By Mark Moberg
Moberg (anthropology, U. of South Alabama) attracts on surveys from 1971 and 1986, and his personal ethnographic learn to supply an extraordinary longitudinal learn of village peasants coming into the worldwide industry. Emphasizes the peasants' recommendations, and the way new fiscal components have altered the social constitution.
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Extra resources for Citrus, strategy, and class: the politics of development in Southern Belize
ADoes not include proficiency in other languages. the pre-Columbian Maya but from thousands of refugees who fled Mexico during the Caste War, an Indian rebellion that convulsed the Yucatán between 1847 and 1853. Both Maya and mestizos (known in Belize as ''Spanish'') were uprooted in the rebellion and reprisals that followed and by the 1860s already formed the bulk of population in the northern districts of Orange Walk and Corozal (Grant 1976: 17). Other Amerindian populations reside in the southern part of the country, in the Toledo and Stann Creek districts.
In addition, rural residents take advantage of novel opportunities to attain their goals, including the pursuit of grants from foreign development agencies. Although production for world commodity markets gives rise to regularly occurring patterns of stratification and dependence, how these features are expressed at the village level is largely determined by local courses of action. These include efforts by the rural poor to assert control over their economic well-being. By analyzing such efforts at "self-help," the monograph will offset overly determinist assumptions inherent in the conventional political economy of development.
While recognizing the instrumental uses of political affiliation in a Malayan village, for example, Scott (1985) overlooks the possibility that the village's elites, who with one exception belong to the ruling national party, may have consolidated their class position through patronage. Since factions usually draw their members from various classes, many political economists have not considered them to be a source of social structural change (cf. Silverman and Salisbury 1977: 14). ). When acknowledging the importance of factionalism in local politics, political economists have often described it as a residual feature of precapitalist patronage relations (Alavi 1973; Frankel and von Vorys 1972).
Citrus, strategy, and class: the politics of development in Southern Belize by Mark Moberg