By Eugeniusz Cyran
This ebook is an try and display that the fundamental rules of phonological association boil right down to the interplay among the energy of nuclei as licensers of phonological constitution and numerous non-rerankable scales of complexity taking place at assorted degrees of phonological illustration. The licensing relation among nuclei and the previous onsets at the one hand, and governing relatives between consonants, that are to an outstanding volume decided through their inner melodic constitution, let us view the phonological illustration as a self-organizing method, which will pr. Read more...
content material: Preface --
1. substantive complexity --
2. Formal complexity --
three. The phonological constitution of phrases --
topic index --
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Additional resources for Complexity scales and licensing in phonology
Specifically, the differences will depend on the way the laryngeal contrasts are specified. Both English and Polish have branching onsets of the type [pr, br]. However, once we move down the scale of complexity of the other labial obstruents in the two languages, we encounter restrictions to the effect that while [vr] is a well-formed onset in Polish, for example, wrota ‘gate’, wróg ‘enemy’, wrona ‘crow’, in English this option is not utilized in native vocabulary, except for the onomatopoeic vroom, or some obsolete forms and French borrowings.
48 Below, in (20), a first approximation of the representation of Irish obstruents is attempted. The representations clearly demonstrate that stops are the most complex of obstruents as they have the additional element (/). Among the stops, however, the voiceless ones are still more complex than the voiced ones because they possess the high tone element. Thus, it seems that we are able to point to a precise place on the complexity scale pertaining to the Irish obstruents where voiceless stops begin to pattern on their own, in contradistinction to the remaining obstruents.
This suggests that, some small differences notwithstanding, the two dialects should be offered a uniform analysis, in which we would be able to incorporate height as well as backness. (16) a. Spread [±BACK] i b. Munster Irish I e u E a o A i u e o a A The illustrations above clearly suggest that the analysis based on spreading [±BACK] idealizes the facts slightly even in the case of Connemara Irish – as shifts of the type [a~i], [a~e] and [o~i] do occur in this dialect (15c-e). The system with [I] and [E], coupled with spreading backness, predicts symmetry in behaviour, and it is completely unable to subsume the Munster facts which involve height distinctions on a regular basis.
Complexity scales and licensing in phonology by Eugeniusz Cyran